Lema: A verdade é como o azeite, precisa de um pouco de vinagre.
Pensamento em curso: «Em Portugal, a liberdade é muito difícil, sobretudo porque não temos liberais. Temos libertinos, demagogos ou ultramontanos
de todas as cores, mas pessoas que compreendam a dimensão profunda da liberdade já reparei que há muito poucas.» (António Alçada Baptista)
The Second Coming: «The best lack all conviction, while the worst; Are full of passionate intensity» (W. B. Yeats)
20/04/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (XI)
31/03/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (X)
08/03/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (IX)
28/02/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (VIII)
21/02/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (VII)
11/02/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (VI)
28/01/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (V)
«The pedagogy of liberation in America functions about as well as Freire’s pedagogy of the oppressed in Guinea-Bissau - that is to say, not much at all. Buffalo Public Schools and the School District of Philadelphia have annual budgets of more than $30.000 per child, significantly higher than the average educational expenditure of every nation on earth, including rich countries such as Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. Yet the results are dismal. ln Buffalo, only 18 percent of black students reach basic proficiency in English and 13 percent reach basic proficiency in math. ln Philadelphia, only 27 percent of black students reach basic proficiency in English and 11 percent reach basic proficiency in math. ln other words, the majority of these children enter the modem world functionally illiterate and innumerate.
They are condemned: not by "Western nuclear family dynamics" and "heteronormative thinking," but by the heartbreaking pathologies in their communities and the immense failures of the institutions that are supposed to serve them. The gap between rhetoric and reality is almost beyond comprehension. The ten- and eleven-year-olds at William D. Kelley march for the utopia of "black communism," but they are unable to read and write. School officials promise to transform society, but they can barely teach rudimentary skills. »
(To be continued)25/01/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (IV)
«The pedagogy of blackness quickly becomes naked political activism, which is often smuggled under the label of "anti-racism."
ln the School District of Philadelphia, for instance, administrators, unions, and teachers have all converged on racial politics as the new Noith Star. Following the George Floyd riots, the district superintendent released an Antiracism Declaration promising to dismantle "systems of racial inequity" and circulated a memo recommending racially segregated training programs for white and black educators. Meanwhile, the local teachers' union produced a video denouncing the United States as a "settler colony built on white supremacy and capitalism" that has created a "system that lifts up white people over everyone else." The solution, according to the union, is to overthrow the "racist structure of capitalism," provide "reparations for Black and Indigenous people," and "uproot white supremacy and plant the seeds for a new world”.
At Philadelphia’s William D, Kelley elementary school, which is 94 per cent black and100 poor, administrator have overhauled the school's programming to focus on political activism. As part of the social studies curriculum, for example, the school's fifth -grade teacher created a unit celebrating Angela Davis, praising the "black communist" for her fight against "injustice and inequality." At the end of the lesson, the teacher led the ten- and eleven-year-old students into the school auditorium to "simulate" a Black Power rally to "free Angela Davis" from prison, where she had once been held while awaiting trial on charges of conspiracy, kidnapping, and murder.
The students marched on the stage, holding signs that read "Black Power," "Jail Trump," "Free Angela," and "Black Power Matters." They chanted about Africa, appealed to their tribal ancestors, then shouted "Free Angela! Free Angela!" as they stood at the front of the stage. Even the school's public artwork illustrates this shift: administrators painted over a mural of Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela, and Barack Obama and replaced it with the iconography of Davis and Huey P. Newton. »
(To be continued)
17/01/2024
E se os eleitores americanos enviassem os incumbentes actual e anterior para a reforma? (2) As primárias republicanas de Iowa
Continuação de (1)
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| WSJ |
Sem surpresa, Donald Trump ganhou folgadamente as primárias do Partido Republicano no Iowa. Alguns dados complementares para contextualizar os resultados: só 15% dos republicanos registados votaram (devido ao frio extremo); os 56 mil eleitores republicanos que votaram Trump representam menos de 6% dos 898 mil que votaram em Trump nas eleições presidenciais de 2020; de acordo com as projecções de MSNBC, Trump teve 65% dos votos dos eleitores sem formação universitária e apenas 35% dos com formação, contra 33% de Haley e 23% de DeSantis; no mesmo sentido, a vantagem de Trump foi muito menor nos círculos eleitorais urbanos.
«Na verdade, era muito claro que, em muitos estados-chave, não haveria forma de os Democratas sustentarem o que na altura chamávamos “a coligação centrista progressista”, a menos que fossem capazes de manter a lealdade destes eleitores. Em 2016, com a vitória de Trump apoiada nas costas dos eleitores brancos da classe trabalhadora, especialmente no Centro-Oeste, ficou muito claro que os Democratas não foram capazes de manter o tipo de parcela do voto da classe trabalhadora branca de que necessitavam para tornar a situação política mais favorável. a aritmética de uma América em mudança funciona a seu favor. Mas, como vimos depois de 2016, os Democratas resumiram a sua perda como sendo relacionada com as partes reaccionárias da América – os racistas, os xenófobos, os deixados para trás – e não parecia ter muito a ver, na sua opinião, com questões de economia. Era tudo uma questão de como eles não estavam alinhados com aa América multicultural e multirracial que está surgindo, e isso é tudo. Então, eles pensaram, por que se preocupar com essas pessoas? São “deploráveis”, como disse Hillary Clinton.»
13/01/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (III)
11/01/2024
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time (II)
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| Amazon |
22/10/2023
How the Radical Left Conquered Almost Everything for a Time
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| Amazon |
It is not my habit to recommend readings, much less those written by people who confess to having been radicalized and consider themselves activists, as is the case with Christopher Rufo. My recommendation to read his recently published book about the dominance of wokeness and its critical race theory in academia and in the American institutions from which it assaulted the rest of the free world (yes, most of the world is not free), is only because, as the following review says, «the research is meticulous, and the details are forensic».
«(...) Many previous intellectual biographies of thinkers like Bell, a Harvard law professor who fathered the discipline of CRT, and Freire, a Brazilian education scholar who developed his influential “pedagogy of the oppressed”, are written by smitten disciples and seemed more like religious apologia than rigorous history. Mr Rufo’s methodical recounting of their radical ideas—pushing to deconstruct the concept of merit, abolish prisons, dismantle capitalism and develop “revolutionary consciousness” in schoolchildren—is refreshingly sceptical. It is also difficult to dispute, given that the most incendiary points are usually delivered by quoting the thinkers directly.
The mostly restrained accounting, given Mr Rufo’s reputation for stoking controversy, gives the entire work a cerebral feel. “The elements of critical race theory are, in fact, a near-perfect transposition of race onto the basic structures of Marxist theory,” he writes. Through the recounted history, some worrying trends in American life make more sense. Universities are hiring based on applicants proffering the right answers to “diversity statements”, and Californian pupils will be required from 2025 to take ethnic-studies courses that will help, in the state’s words, “challenge racist, bigoted, discriminatory, and imperialist/colonial beliefs” and “connect ourselves to past and contemporary movements that struggle for social justice”.
However, Mr Rufo’s analysis, for all its merits, falters in two ways. The first is that it often skips over the most interesting phase of the process—the actual mutation of these ideas within the academy into something more virulent—in favour of minute details in the lives of his four appointed prophets. This is not a critical flaw.
But the second one is more serious. Mr Rufo often cannot help but portray the left’s revolution as on the cusp of total victory, if not already there. “The corporation no longer exists to maximise profit, but to manage ‘diversity and inclusion’. The state no longer exists to secure natural rights, but to achieve ‘social justice’,” he writes.e takeover is hardly so complete. Companies are still plainly motivated by profit, and some are laying off the staff they had hired to oversee diversity-and-inclusion initiatives. Many Republican states are resisting the mandate of social justice and doing so in consultation with Mr Rufo himself. The fatalistic accounting of the takeover of the federal government - “the state, it turned out, was an easy capture…there was barely any resistance at all”—rests on a few questionable anti-racism trainings. It is hardly compelling. Much of the zealotry that ran wild after the murder of an unarmed black man, George Floyd, by police in 2020 has faded. Today Democrats pretend that some other party called for the defunding of the police.
The counter-revolution to America’s cultural revolution that Mr Rufo explicitly calls for is already happening—and has been under way for years. He should know that, because he is, to appropriate the Leninist terminology, in the vanguard.»

